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The Paradox of Representation

Racial Gerrymandering and Minority Interests in Congress

David Lublin

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Princeton University Press img Link Publisher

Sozialwissenschaften, Recht, Wirtschaft / Politikwissenschaft

Beschreibung

In The Paradox of Representation David Lublin offers an unprecedented analysis of a vast range of rigorous, empirical evidence that exposes the central paradox of racial representation: Racial redistricting remains vital to the election of African Americans and Latinos but makes Congress less likely to adopt policies favored by blacks. Lublin's evidence, together with policy recommendations for improving minority representation, will make observers of the political scene reconsider the avenues to fair representation.


Using data on all representatives elected to Congress between 1972 and 1994, Lublin examines the link between the racial composition of a congressional district and its representative's race as well as ideology. The author confirms the view that specially drawn districts must exist to ensure the election of African Americans and Latinos. He also shows, however, that a relatively small number of minorities in a district can lead to the election of a representative attentive to their interests. When African Americans and Latinos make up 40 percent of a district, according to Lublin's findings, they have a strong liberalizing influence on representatives of both parties; when they make up 55 percent, the district is almost certain to elect a minority representative.


Lublin notes that particularly in the South, the practice of concentrating minority populations into a small number of districts decreases the liberal influence in the remaining areas. Thus, a handful of minority representatives, almost invariably Democrats, win elections, but so do a greater number of conservative Republicans. The author proposes that establishing a balance between majority-minority districts and districts where the minority population would be slightly more dispersed, making up 40 percent of a total district, would allow more African Americans to exercise more influence over their representatives.

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Schlagwörter

Civil Rights Act of 1964, Public policy, Percentage, Latino vote, Mobile v. Bolden, Bill Richardson, Mike Espy, Voting behavior, Ideology, Activism, Republican Party (United States), Politician, Lyndon B. Johnson, Gary Franks, Family income, Racial segregation, Ron Dellums, Congressional district, Mexican Americans, General election, Redistricting, Legislature, Voting, Rights, Incumbent, Affirmative action, Legislation, Democratic Party (United States), Political science, Seniority, Member of Congress, Lumbee, United States presidential election, 1860, Miller v. Johnson, Democracy, Ethnic group, Minority group, Gerrymandering, Second Reconstruction, Non-Hispanic whites, Bob Menendez, Congressional Black Caucus, White supremacy, Black Power, Nationality, Herman Badillo, Majority, Robin Tallon, Thornburg v. Gingles, Voting Rights Act of 1965, Welfare, Shaw v. Reno, African Americans, Ballot, Majority minority, Legislator, Newt Gingrich, Deep South, Suffrage, Albert Bustamante, Northern Democrats, Bush v. Vera, Henry Bonilla, Racial polarization, Congressional Quarterly, Congressional caucus, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, Southern Democrats, Trade-off